De Origine Actibusque Gothorum
with "classicized" grammar, normalized spelling and some emendations
by
Þeedrich Yeat
| Getica ç First half |
Second Half | Romana (Excerpts) è |
| DE ORIGINE ACTIBUSQUE GETARUM | THE ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS |
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XXXII 164 |
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| Dehinc jam quartus ab Alarico rex constituitur Wallia nimis destrictus et prudens, contra quem Honorius Imperator Constantium virum industria militari pollentem multisque proeliis gloriosum cum exercitu dirigit, veritus, ne foedus dudum cum Athawulfo initum ipse turbaret et aliquas rursus in rem publicam insidias moliretur, vicinis sibi gentibus expulsis, simulque desiderans germanam suam Placidiam subjectionis opprobrio liberare, paciscens cum Constantio, ut, aut bello aut pace vel quoquo modo si eam potuisset ad suum regnum reducere, ei eam in matrimonium sociaret. | Then Wallia {"Selected one," "Elite"}, the fourth from Ala-reik, was made king, and he was an exceeding stern and prudent man. The Emperor Honorius {Emperor of the West, 394-423} sent an army against him {A.D. 415} under Constantius {III; Magister Militum (General of the Army) under Honorius, then briefly co-emperor (Augustus) in the West with him, 421}, who was famed for his achievements in war and distinguished in many battles, for he feared that Wallia would break the treaty long ago made with Aþa-wulf and that, after driving out the neighboring tribes, he would again plot evil against the Empire. Moreover Honorius was eager to free his sister Placidia from the disgrace of servitude, and made an agreement with Constantius that if by peace or war or any means so ever he could bring her back to the kingdom, he should have her in marriage. |
| 165 | |
| Quo placito Constantius ovans cum copia armatorum et paene jam regio apparatu Hispanias petit. | Pleased with this promise, Constantius set out for Spain with an armed force and in almost royal splendor. |
| Cui Wallia rex Gothorum non cum minori procinctu ad claustra Pyrenaei occurrit; ubi ab utraque parte legatione directa ita convenit pacisci, ut Placidiam sororem principis redderet suaque solacia Romanae rei publicae, ubi usus exegerit, non denegaret. | Wallia, king of the Goths, met him at a pass in the Pyrenees with as great a force. Hereupon embassies were sent by both sides and it was decided to make peace on the following terms, namely that Wallia should give up Placidia, the Emperor's sister, and should not refuse to aid the Roman Empire when occasion demanded. |
| Eo namque tempore Constantinus quidam apud Gallias invadens imperium, filium suum Constantem ex monacho fecerat Caesarem; sed non diu tenens praesumptum regnum, mox, foederatis Gothis Romanisque, ipse occiditur Arelati, filius vero ejus Viennae. | Now at that time a certain Constantine usurped imperial power in Gaul and appointed as Caesar his son Constans, who was formerly a monk. But when he had held for a short time the Empire he had seized, he was himself slain at Arles {in 411} and his son at Vienne. |
| Post quos item Jovinus ac Sebastianus pari temeritate rem publicam occupandam existimantes pari exitio perierunt. | Jovinus and Sebastian succeeded them with equal presumption and thought they might seize the imperial power; but they perished by a like fate. |
| 166 | |
| Nam duodecimo anno regni Walliae, quando et Hunni post paene quinquaginta annorum, invasa Pannonia a Romanis et Gothis, expulsi sunt, videns Wallia Wandalos in suos fines, id est, Hispaniae solum, audaci temeritate ab interioribus partibus Galliciae, quo eos dudum fugaverat Athawulfus, egressos et cuncta in praedas vastare, eo fere tempore, quo Hierius et Ardabures consules processissent; nec mora, mox contra eos movit exercitum. | Now in the twelfth year of Wallia's reign the Huns were driven out of Pannonia by the Romans and Goths, almost fifty years after they had taken possession of it. Then Wallia found that the Vandals had come forth with bold audacity from the interior of Gallicia, whither Aþa-wulf {"Noble wolf"} had long ago driven them, and were devastating and plundering everywhere in his own territories, namely in the land of Spain. So he made no delay but moved his army against them at once, at about the time when Hierius and Ardabures had become consuls {A.D. 427}. |
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XXXIII 167 |
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| Sed Gaisaricus rex Wandalorum jam a Bonifatio in Africam invitatus - qui Valentiniano Principi veniens in offensam non aliter se quam malo rei publicae potuit vindicare; is ergo, suis precibus eos invitans, per trajectum angustiarum, qui dicitur fretum Gaditanum et vix septem milibus Africam ab Hispaniis dividit ostiaque maris Tyrrheni in Oceani aestum egeritur, transposuit. | But Gaisa-reik {"Spear Ruler, Javelin Ruler"}, king of the Vandals, had already been invited into Africa by Boniface, who had fallen into a dispute with the Emperor Valentinian {III, Emperor of the West, 425-455} and was able to obtain revenge only by injuring the empire. So he invited them urgently and brought them across the narrow strait known as the Strait of Gades, scarcely seven miles wide, which divides Africa from Spain and discharges the mouth of the Tyrrhenian Sea into the waters of Ocean. |
| 168 | |
| Erat namque Gaisaricus jam Romanorum clade in urbe notissimus, statura mediocris et equi casu claudicans, animo profundus, sermone rarus, luxuriae contemptor, ira turbidus, habendi cupidus, ad sollicitandas gentes providentissimus, semina contentionum jacere, odia miscere paratus. | Gaisa-reik, still famous in the City for the disaster of the Romans, was a man of moderate height and lame in consequence of a fall from his horse. He was a man of deep thought and few words, holding luxury in disdain, furious in his anger, greedy for gain, shrewd in winning over the barbarians and skilled in sowing the seeds of dissension to arouse enmity. |
| 169 | |
| Talis Africae rem publicam, precibus Bonifatii, ut diximus, invitatus intravit, ubi a divinitate, ut fertur, accepta auctoritate diu regnans, ante obitum suum filiorum agmen accitum ordinavit, ne inter ipsos de regni ambitione contentio esset, sed ordine quisque et gradu suo, alii si superviveret - id est, seniori suo fieret sequens successor et rursus ei posterior ejus. Quod observantes per annorum multorum spatia regnum feliciter possederunt, nec, ut reliquis gentibus assolet, intestino bello foedati sunt, suoque ordine unus post unum regnum excipiens in pace populis imperavit. | Such was he who, as we have said, came at the solicitous invitation of Boniface to the country of Africa. There he reigned for a long time, receiving authority, as they say, from God Himself. Before his death he summoned the band of his sons and ordained that there should be no strife among them because of desire for the kingdom, but that each should reign in his own rank and order as he survived the others; that is, the next younger should succeed his elder brother, and he in turn should be followed by his junior. By giving heed to his command they ruled their kingdom in happiness for the space of many years and were not disgraced by civil war, as is usual among other nations, one after the other receiving the kingdom and ruling the people in peace. |
| 170 | |
| Quorum ordo iste ac successio fuit: primum Gaisaricus, qui pater et dominus; sequens Huniricus; tertius Gunthamundus; quartus Thrasamundus; quintus Hildirix, quem malo gentis suae Geilamer, immemor atavi praeceptorum, de regno ejectum et interemptum tyrannide praesumpsit. | Now this is their order of succession: first, Gaisa-reik who was father and lord; next, Huni-reik {"Power-ruler, Prince of Force"}; the third Gunþa-mund {"Battle-protection, War-defense"}; the fourth Þrasa-mund {"Strident defense, Roaring protection"}; and the fifth Hildi-reik {"Battle-ruler"}. He was driven from the throne and slain by Gaila-mer {"Happy renown, Glad fame"}, who destroyed his race by disregarding his ancestor's advice and setting up a tyranny. |
| 171 | |
| Sed non ei cessit impune quod fecerat, nam mox Justiniani Imperatoris ultio in eo apparuit et cum omni genere suo opibusque, quibus more praedonis incumbebat, Constantinopolim delatus per virum gloriosissimum Belisarium Magistrum Militum Orientalem, Exconsulem Ordinarium atque Patricium, magnum in circo populo spectaculum fuit seramque suam paenitudinem gerens quum se videret de fastigio regali dejectum, in privatam vitam, cui noluit famulari, redactus occubuit. | But what he had done did not remain unpunished, for soon the vengeance of the Emperor Justinian was manifested against him. With his whole family and that wealth over which he gloated like a robber, he was taken to Constantinople by that most renowned warrior Belisarius, Master of the Soldiery of the East, Ex-Consul Ordinary and Patrician. Here he afforded a great spectacle to the people in the Circus. His repentance, when he beheld himself cast down from his royal state, came too late. He died reduced to the status of a commoner, a life to which he had formerly been unwilling to submit. |
| 172 | |
| Sic Africa, quae in divisione orbis terrarum tertia pars mundi describitur, centesimo fere anno a Wandalico jugo erepta in libertatem revocata est regni Romani, et quam dudum ignavis dominis ducibusque infidelibus a rei publicae Romanae corpore gentilis manus abstulerat, a sollerti domino et fideli ductore nunc revocata hodieque congaudet. | Thus after a century Africa, which in the division of the earth's surface is regarded as the third part of the world, was delivered from the yoke of the Vandals and brought back to the liberty of the Roman Empire. The country which the hand of the heathen had long ago cut off from the body of the Roman Empire, by reason of the cowardice of emperors and the treachery of generals, was now restored by a wise prince and a faithful leader and to-day is happily flourishing. |
| Quamvis et post haec aliquantulum intestino proelio Maurorumque infidelitate attritam sese lamentata sit, tamen triumphus Justiniani Imperatoris a deo donatus, quae incohaverat, ad pacem usque perduxit. | And though, even after this, it had to deplore the misery of civil war and the treachery of the Moors, yet the triumph of the Emperor Justinian, vouchsafed him by God, brought to a peaceful conclusion what he had begun. |
| Sed nobis quid opus est, unde res non exigit, dicere? Ad propositum redeamus. | But why need we speak of what the subject does not require? Let us return to our theme. |
| 173 | |
| Wallia si quidem, rex Gothorum, adeo cum suis in Wandalos saeviebat, ut voluisset eos etiam et in Africam persequi, nisi eum casus, qui dudum Alarico in Africam tendenti contigerat, revocasset. | Now Wallia, king of the Goths, and his army fought so fiercely against the Vandals that he would have pursued them even into Africa, had not such a misfortune recalled him as had once befallen Ala-reik {"All-ruler"} when the latter was setting out for Africa. |
| Nobilitatus namque intra Hispanias incruentaque victoria potitus Tolosam revertitur; Romano imperio fugatis hostibus aliquantas provincias, quod promiserat, derelinquens, sibique adversa post longum, valitudine superveniente, rebus humanis excessit. | So when he had won great fame in Spain, he returned after a bloodless victory to Toulouse, turning over to the Roman Empire, as he had promised, a number of provinces which he had rid of his foes. A long time after this he was seized by sickness and departed this life. |
| 174 | |
| Eo videlicet tempore, quo Beremud, Thorismudo patre progenitus, de quo in catalogo Amalorum familiae superius diximus, cum filio Widirico ab Ostrogothis, qui adhuc in Scythiae terris Hunnorum oppressionibus subjacebant, ad Wisigotharum regnum migravit. | Just at that time Baíri-moð {"Bear mood"}, the son of Þaúris-moð {"Daring mood"}, whom we have mentioned above in the genealogy of the family of the Amals, departed with his son Wiði-reik {"Forest ruler"} from the Ostrogoths, who still submitted to the oppression of the Huns in the land of Scythia, and came to the kingdom of the Visigoths. |
| Conscius enim virtutis et generis nobilitatis, facilius sibi credens principatum a parentibus deferri, quem heredem regum constabat esse multorum. | Well aware of his valor and noble birth, he believed that the kingdom would be the more readily bestowed upon him by his kinsmen, inasmuch as he was known to be the heir of many kings. |
| Quis namque de Amalo dubitaret, si vacasset, eligere? Sed nec ipse adeo voluit, quis esset, ostendere. | And who would hesitate to choose one of the Amalos, if there were an empty throne? But he was not himself eager to make known who he was. |
| 175 | |
| Et illi jam post mortem Walliae Theodoridum ei dederunt successorem. | And so upon the death of Wallia the Visigoths made Þiuða-reð {"People-counsellor," "Advisor of the folk"} his successor. |
| Ad quem veniens, Beremud, animi pondere quo valebat, eximiam generis sui amplitudinem commoda taciturnitate suppressit, sciens regnantibus semper regali stirpe genitos esse suspectos. | Baíri-moð came to him and, with the strength of mind for which he was noted, concealed his noble birth by prudent silence, for he knew that those of royal lineage are always distrusted by kings. |
| Passus est ergo ignorari, ne faceret ordinata confundi. | So he suffered himself to remain unknown, that he might not bring the established order into confusion. |
| Susceptusque cum filio suo a rege Theodorido honorifice nimis, adeo ut nec consilii sui expertem nec convivii faceret alienum, non tamen pro generis nobilitate, quam ignorabat, sed pro animi fortitudine et robore mentis, quam non poterat occultare. | King Þiuða-reð received him and his son with special honor and made him partner in his counsels and a companion at his board; not for his noble birth, which he knew not, but for his brave spirit and strong mind, which Baíri-moð could not conceal. |
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XXXIV 176 |
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| Quid plurimum? defuncto Wallia (ut superius quod diximus repetamus), qui parum fuerat felix Gallis, prosperrimus feliciorque Theodoridus successit in regno, homo summa moderatione compositus, animi corporisque utilitate habendus. | And what more? Wallia (to repeat what we have said ) had but little success against the Gauls, but when he died the more fortunate and prosperous Þiuða-reð succeeded to the throne. He was a man of the greatest moderation and notable for vigor of mind and body. |
| Contra quem, Theodosio et Festo consulibus, pace rupta, Romani, Hunnis auxiliaribus secum junctis, in Gallias arma moverunt. Turbaverat namque eos Gothorum foederatorum manus, quae cum Gaina Comite Constantinopolim efferasset. | In the consulship of Theodosius and Festus {439} the Romans broke the truce and took up arms against him in Gaul, with the Huns as their auxiliaries. For a band of the Gallic Allies, led by Count Gaina, had aroused the Romans by throwing Constantinople into a panic. |
| Aëtius ergo Patricius tunc praeerat militibus, fortissimorum Moesiorum stirpe progenitus in Durostorena civitate a patre Gaudentio, labores bellicos tolerans, rei publicae Romanae singulariter natus, qui superbiam Suevorum Francorumque barbariem immensis caedibus servire Romano imperio coegit. | Now at that time the Patrician Aëtius was in command of the army. He was of the bravest Moesian stock, born of his father Gaudentius in the city of Durostorum (modern Silistra, Bulgaria, on the lower Danube). He was a man fitted to endure the toils of war, born expressly to serve the Roman state; and by inflicting crushing defeats he had compelled the proud Swevians {"(our) Own (people)"} and barbarous Franks {"the Free," "Bold," "Impetuous," "Impudent"} to submit to Roman sway. |
| 177 | |
| Hunnis quoque auxiliariis, Litorio ductante, contra Gothos Romanus exercitus movit procinctum, diuque ex utraque parte acies ordinatae, cum utrique fortes et neuter infirmior esset, datis dextris in pristinam concordiam redierunt, foedereque firmato ab alterutro, fida pace peracta, recessit uterque. | So then, with the Huns as allies under their leader Litorius, the Roman army moved in array against the Goths. When the battle lines of both sides had been standing for a long time opposite each other, both being brave and neither side the weaker, they struck a truce and returned to their ancient alliance. And after the treaty had been confirmed by both and an honest peace was established, they both withdrew. |
| 178 | |
| Qua pace Attila, Hunnorum omnium dominus et paene totius Scythiae gentium solus in mundo regnator, qui erat famosa inter omnes gentes claritate mirabilis. | During this peace Attila {"Little Father" (Gothic name taken by a Hun)} was lord over all the Huns and almost the sole earthly ruler of all the tribes of Scythia; a man marvelous for his glorious fame among all nations. |
| Ad quem in legatione se missum a Theodosio juniore Priscus historicus tali voce inter alia refert: "Ingentia si quidem flumina (id est, Tisia Tibisiaque et Dricca) transeuntes venimus in locum illum, ubi dudum Widigoja Gothorum fortissimus Sarmatum dolo occubuit. | The historian Priscus, who was sent to him on an embassy {449} by the younger Theodosius {II; emperor of the East, 408-450}, says this among other things: "Crossing mighty rivers - namely, the Tisia {also known as Pathissus; modern Tisza (German "Theiss"), in eastern Hungary} and Tibisia {or Tibissus (also Tibiscus and Pathissus, Greek Tiphesas; Modern Temes in Romania and Serbia); tributary of the Danube} and Drekon {tributary of the Tisza} - we came to the place where long ago Wiðu-gauja {"Woodland man," "Forest-region dweller"}, bravest of the Goths, perished by the guile of the Sarmatians. |
| Indeque non longe ad vicum, in quo rex Attila morabatur, accessimus, vicum inquam ad instar civitatis amplissimae, in quo lignea moenia ex tabulis nitentibus fabricata repperimus, quarum compago ita solidum mentiebatur, ut vix ab intentu posset junctura tabularum comprehendi. | At no great distance from that place we arrived at the village {modern Szeged, southeastern Hungary} where King Attila was dwelling, - a village, I say, like a great city, in which we found wooden walls made of smooth-shining boards, whose joints so counterfeited solidity that the union of the boards could scarcely be distinguished by close scrutiny. |
| 179 | |
| Videres triclinia ambitu prolixiore distenta, porticusque in omni decore dispositas. Area vero curtis ingenti ambitu cingebatur, ut amplitudo ipsa regiam aulam ostenderet." Hae sedes erant Attilae regi barbariem totam tenenti; haec captis civitatibus habitacula praeponebat. | There you might see dining halls of large extent and porticoes planned with great beauty, while the courtyard was bounded by so vast a circuit that its very size showed it was the royal palace." This was the abode of Attila, the king of all the barbarian world; and he preferred this as a dwelling to the cities he captured. |
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XXXV 180 |
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| Is namque Attila patre genitus Mundzuco, cujus fuere germani Octar et Roas, qui ante Attilam regnum tenuisse narrantur, quamvis non omnino cunctorum quorum ipse, post quorum obitum cum Bleda germano Hunnorum successit in regnum, et ut, ante, expeditioni quam parabat par foret, augmentum virium parricidio quaerit, tendens ad discrimen omnium nece suorum. | Now this Attila was the son of Mundzuk, and his brothers were Octar and Ruas who are said to have ruled before Attila, though not over quite so many tribes as he. After their death he succeeded to the throne of the Huns, together with his brother Bleða {"Fortune, Fame" (Gothic name taken by a Hun)}. In order that he might first be equal to the expedition he was preparing, he sought to increase his strength by murder. Thus he proceeded from the destruction of his own kindred to the menace of all others. |
| 181 | |
| Sed librante Justitia, detestabili remedio crescens, deformes exitus suae crudelitatis invenit. | Although growing more powerful by this repugnant expedient, through counterbalancing Justice he reaped hideous consequences of his cruelty. | Bleda enim fratre fraudibus interempto, qui magnae parti regnabat Hunnorum, universum sibi populum adunavit, aliarumque gentium, quas tunc in dicione tenebat, numerositate collecta, primas mundi gentes Romanos Wisigothasque subdere praeoptabat. | Now when his brother Bleða, who ruled over a great part of the Huns, had been slain by his treachery {445}, Attila united all the people under his own rule. Gathering also a host of the other tribes which he then held under his sway, he sought to subdue the foremost nations of the world - the Romans and the Visigoths. |
| 182 | |
| Cujus exercitus quingentorum milium esse numero ferebatur. | His army is said to have numbered five hundred thousand men. |
| Vir in concussionem gentium natus in mundo, terrarum omnium metus, qui, nescio qua sorte, terrebat cuncta, formidabili de se opinione vulgata. | He was a man born into the world to shake the nations, the scourge of all lands, who in some way terrified all mankind by the fearsome rumors noised abroad concerning him. |
| Erat namque superbus incessu, huc atque illuc circumferens oculos, ut elati potentia ipso quoque motu corporis appareret; bellorum quidem amator, sed ipse manu temperans, consilio validissimus, supplicantibus exorabilis, propitius autem in fide semel susceptis; forma brevis, lato pectore, capite grandiore, minutis oculis, rarus barba, canis aspersus, simio naso, taeter colore, originis suae signa restituens. | He was haughty in his walk, rolling his eyes hither and thither, so that the power of his haughty spirit appeared in the very movement of his body. He was indeed a lover of war, yet restrained in action, mighty in counsel, gracious to suppliants and lenient to those who were once received into his protection. He was short of stature, with a broad chest and a large head; his eyes were small, his beard thin and sprinkled with gray; he was snub-nosed and of hideous color, revealing the evidences of his origin. |
| 183 | |
| Qui quamvis hujus esset naturae, ut semper magna confideret, addebat ei tamen confidentiam gladius Martis inventus, sacer apud Scytharum reges semper habitus, quem Priscus historicus tali refert occasione detectum: | And though his temper was such that he always had great self-confidence, yet his assurance was increased by finding the sword of Mars, always esteemed sacred among the kings of the Scythians. The historian Priscus says it was discovered under the following circumstances: |
| "Quum pastor," inquiens, "quidam gregis unam buculam conspiceret claudicantem nec causam tanti vulneris inveniret, sollicitus vestigia cruoris insequitur tandemque venit ad gladium, quem depascens herbas incauta calcaverat, effossumque protinus ad Attilam defert. | "When a certain shepherd beheld one heifer of his flock limping and could find no cause for this wound, he anxiously followed the trail of blood and at length came to a sword it had unwittingly trampled while nibbling the grass. He dug it up and took it straight to Attila. |
| Quo munere ille gratulatus, ut erat magnanimus, arbitratur se mundi totius principem constitutum et per Martis gladium potestatem sibi concessam esse bellorum." | He rejoiced at this gift and, being ambitious, thought he had been appointed ruler of the whole world, and that through the sword of Mars supremacy in all wars was assured to him." |
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XXXVI 184 |
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| Hujus ergo mentem ad vastationem orbis paratam comperiens, Gaisericus, rex Wandalorum, quem paulo ante memoravimus, multis muneribus ad Wisigotharum bella praecipitat, metuens, ne Theodoridus Wisigotharum rex filiae suae ulcisceretur injuriam, quae Hunirico, Gaiserici filio, juncta prius quidem tanto conjugio laetaretur, sed postea, ut erat ille et in sua pignora truculentus, ob suspicionem tantummodo veneni ab ea parati, naribus abscisam truncatamque auribus, spolians decore naturali, patri ejus ad Gallias remiserat, ut turpe funus miseranda semper offerret, et crudelitas, qua etiam moverentur externi, vindictam patris efficacius impetraret. | Now when Gaisa-reik, king of the Vandals, whom we mentioned shortly before, learned that his mind was bent on the devastation of the world, he incited Attila by many gifts to make war on the Visigoths, for he was afraid that Þiuða-reð, king of the Visigoths, would avenge the injury done to his daughter. She had been joined in wedlock with Huni-reik {"Power-ruler, Prince of Strength"}, the son of Gaisa-reik, and at first was happy in this union. But afterwards he was cruel even to his own children, and because of the mere suspicion that she was attempting to poison him, he cut off her nose and mutilated her ears. He sent her back to her father in Gaul thus despoiled of her natural charms. So the wretched girl presented a pitiable aspect ever after, and the cruelty which would stir even strangers still more surely incited her father to vengeance. |
| 185 | |
| Attila igitur dudum bella concepta Gaiserici instigatione parturiens, legatos in Italiam ad Valentinianum principem misit, serens Gothorum Romanorumque discordiam, ut, quos proelio non poterat concutere, odiis internis elideret, asserens, se rei publicae ejus amicitias in nullo violare, sed contra Theoderidum Wisigotharum regem sibi esse certamen. | Attila, therefore, in his efforts to bring about the wars long ago instigated by the bribe of Gaisa-reik, sent ambassadors into Italy {in 451} to the Emperor Valentinian {III; emperor of the West, 425-455} to sow strife between the Goths and the Romans, thinking to shatter by civil discord those whom he could not crush in battle. He declared that he was in no way violating his friendly relations with the Empire, but that he had a quarrel with Þiuða-reð, king of the Visigoths. |
| Unde quum excipi libenter optaret, ceteram epistulam usitatis salutationum blandimentis oppleverat, studens fidem adhibere mendacio. | As he wished to be kindly received, he filled the rest of the letter with the usual flattering salutations, striving to win credence for his falsehood. |
| 186 | |
| Pari etiam modo ad regem Wisigotharum Theoderidum dirigit scripta, hortans, ut a Romanorum societate discederet recordareturque proelia, quae paulo ante contra eum fuerant concitata. | In like manner he despatched a message to Þiuða-reð, king of the Visigoths, urging him to break his alliance with the Romans and reminding him of the battles to which they had recently provoked him. |
| Sub nimia feritate homo subtilis ante quam bella gereret arte pugnabat. | Beneath his great ferocity he was a subtle man, and fought with craft before he made war. |
| Tunc Valentinianus Imperator ad Wisigothas eorumque regem Theoderidum in his verbis legationem direxit: | Then the Emperor Valentinian sent an embassy to the Visigoths and their king Þiuða-reð, with this message: |
| 187 | |
| "Prudentiae vestrae est, fortissime gentium, adversus orbis conspirare tyrannum, qui optat mundi generale habere servitium, qui causas proelii non requirit, sed, quicquid commiserit, hoc putat esse legitimum, ambitum suum bracchio metitur, superbiam licentia satiat; qui jus fasque contemnens, hostem se exhibet et naturae. | "Bravest of nations, it is the part of prudence for us to unite against the lord of the earth who wishes to enslave the whole world; who requires no just cause for battle, but supposes whatever he does is right. He measures his ambition by his might. License satisfies his pride. Despising law and right, he shows himself an enemy to Nature herself. |
| Cunctorum etenim meretur hic odium, qui in commune omnium se approbat inimicum. | And thus he, who clearly is the common foe of each, deserves the hatred of all. |
| 188 | |
| Recordamini, quaeso, quod certe non potest oblivisci: ab Hunnis non per bella, ubi communis casus est, fusum me, sed, quod graviter angit, insidiis appetitum; ut de nobis taceamus, potestis hanc inulti ferre superbiam? | Pray remember what, surely, cannot be forgotten: the Huns did not rout you by means of war, where there is an equal chance, but instead - which is all the more cause for alarm - by means of a sneak attack. To say nothing about ourselves, can you suffer such insolence to go unpunished? |
| Armorum potentes, favete propriis doloribus et communes jungite manus. | Since you are mighty in arms, give heed to your own danger and join hands with us in common. |
| Auxiliamini etiam rei publicae, cujus membrum tenetis. | Bear aid also to the Empire, of which you hold a part. |
| Quam sit autem nobis expetenda vel amplexanda societas, hostis interrogate consilia. " | As for how such an alliance should be sought and welcomed by us, look into the plans of the foe. " |
| 189 | |
| His et similibus legati Valentiniani regem permoverunt Theodoridum. | By these and like arguments the ambassadors of Valentinian prevailed upon King Þiuða-reð. |
| Quibus ille respondit: "Habetis," inquit, "Romani, desiderium vestrum; fecistis Attilam et nobis hostem. | He answered them, saying: "Romans, you have attained your desire; you have made Attila our foe also. |
| Sequimur illum quocunque vocaverit, et quamvis infletur de diversis gentium victoriis, norunt tamen Gothi confligere cum superbis. | We will pursue him wherever he summons us, and though he is puffed up by his victories over diverse races, yet the Goths know how to fight haughty foes. |
| Nullum bellum dixerim grave, nisi quod causa debilitat; quando nil triste pavet, cui Majestas arriserit. " | I call no war dangerous save one whose cause is weak; for he fears no ill on whom Majesty has smiled. " |
| 190 | |
| Acclamant responso comites ducis, laetum sequitur vulgus. | The nobles shouted assent to the reply and the multitude gladly followed. |
| Fit omnibus ambitus pugnae, hostes jam Hunni desiderantur. | All were fierce for battle and longed to meet the Huns, their foe. |
| Producitur itaque a rege Theodoredo Wisigotharum innumerabilis multitudo; qui, quattuor filiis domi dimissis, id est Friderico et Euricho, Retemere et Imnerith, secum tantum Thorismud et Theodericum majores natu participes laboris assumit. | And so a countless host was led forth by Þiuða-reð, king of the Visigoths, who sent home four of his sons, namely Friþa-reik {"Peace-ruler"} and Aiwa-reik {"Time-ruler," "Ruler of ages"}, Riqi-mer {"Darkness-famed," "Dark-renown"} and Ibna-reð {"Even(handed)-counsel," "Level (= unbiased)-advisor"}, taking with him only the two elder sons, Þaúris-moð {"Daring-mood"} and Þiuða-reik {"People-ruler," "Prince over the folk"}, as partners of his toil. |
| Felix procinctum, auxilium tutum, suave collegium, habere solacia illorum, quos delectat ipsa etiam simul subire discrimina! | O brave array, sure defense and sweet comradeship, having the aid of those who delight to share in the same dangers! |
| 191 | |
| A parte vero Romanorum, tanta Patricii Aëtii providentia fuit, cui tunc innitebatur res publica Hesperiae plagae, ut, undique bellatoribus congregatis, adversus ferocem et infinitam multitudinem non impar occurreret. | On the side of the Romans stood the Patrician Aëtius, on whom at that time the whole Western Empire depended: a man of such wisdom that he had assembled warriors from everywhere to meet them on equal terms. |
| Hi enim affuerunt auxiliares: Franci, Sarmatae, Armoriciani, Liticiani, Burgundiones, Saxones, Riparii, Olibriones (quondam milites Romani, tunc vero jam in numero auxiliorum exquisiti), aliaeque nonnullae Celticae vel Germanicae nationes. | Now these were his auxiliaries: Franks {the "Free," "Bold," "Impetuous," "Impudent"}, Sarmatians, Armoricians, Liticians, Baúrgundjans {Burgundians, "Fortress-dwellers"}, Saxons {"Short-sword [sahs] bearers"}, Riparians, Olibriones (once Roman soldiers and now the flower of the allied forces), and some other Celtic or Germanic tribes. |
| 192 | |
| Convenitur itaque in Campis Catalaunicis, qui et Mauriaci nominantur, centum "leugas," ut Galli vocant, in longo tenentes et septuaginta in lato. | And so they met in the Catalaunian Plains {ca. 90 miles/145 km SE of Paris, near Augustobona, modern Troyes}, which are also called Mauriacian, extending in length one hundred "leagues," as the Gauls say, and seventy in width. |
| "Leuga " autem Gallica una mille et quingentorum passuum quantitate metitur. | Now a Gallic "league " {ca. 1.38 miles/2.22 km} measures a distance of fifteen hundred paces. |
| Fit ergo area innumerabilium populorum pars illa terrarum. | That portion of the earth accordingly became the threshing floor of countless races |
| Conseruntur acies utraeque fortissimae: nihil surreptionibus agitur, sed aperto Marte certatur. | The two hosts bravely joined battle. Nothing was done under cover, but they contended in open fight. |
| 193 | |
| Quae potest digna causa tantorum motibus inveniri? Aut quod odium in se cunctos animavit armari? | What just cause can be found for the mobilization of so many nations, or what hatred inspired them all to take arms against each other? |
| Probatum est humanum genus regibus vivere, quando unius mentis insano impetu strages sit facta populorum, et arbitrio superbi regis, momento defecerit quod tot saeculis natura progenuit. | It is proof that the human race lives for its kings, for it is at the mad impulse of one mind that a slaughter of nations takes place, and at the whim of a haughty ruler that which nature has taken ages to produce perishes in a moment. |
|
XXXVII 194 |
|
| Sed antequam pugnae ipsius ordinem referamus, necessarium videtur edicere, quae in ipsis bellorum motibus acciderunt, quia sicut famosum proelium, ita multiplex atque perplexum. | But before we set forth the order of the battle itself, it seems important to relate what had already happened in the course of the campaign, for it was as complicated and confused a struggle as it was famous. |
| Sangibanus namque rex Alanorum, metu futurorum perterritus, Attilae se tradere pollicetur et Aurelianam, civitatem Galliae, ubi tunc consistebat, in ejus jura traducere. | Well then, Sangiban, king of the Alani, smitten with fear of what might come to pass, had promised to surrender to Attila, and to hand over to his possession Orleans {about 60 miles/100 km south of Paris}, a city of Gaul wherein he dwelt. |
| 195 | |
| Quod ubi Theodoridus et Aëtius cognoverunt, magnis aggeribus eandem urbem ante adventum Attilae struunt, suspectumque custodiunt Sangibanum et inter suos auxiliares medium statuunt cum propria gente. | When Þiuða-reð and Aëtius learned of this, they cast up great earthworks around that city before Attila's arrival and kept watch over the suspected Sangiban, placing him with his tribe in the midst of their auxiliaries. |
| Igitur Attila rex Hunnorum, tali perculsus eventu, diffidens suis copiis metuit inire conflictum; inter quae fugam revolvens ipso funere tristiorem, statuit per haruspices futura inquirere. | Then Attila, king of the Huns, was taken aback by this event and lost confidence in his own troops, so that he feared to begin the conflict. While he was meditating on flight - a greater calamity than death itself - he decided to inquire into the future through soothsayers. |
| 196 | |
| Qui more solito nunc pecorum fibras, nunc quasdam venas in abrasis ossibus intuentes, Hunnis infausta denuntiant; hoc tamen quantulum praedixere solacii, quod summus hostium ductor de parte adversa occumberet, relictaque victoria, sua morte triumphum foedaret. | So, as was their custom, they examined the entrails of cattle and certain streaks in bones that had been scraped, and foretold disaster to the Huns. Yet as a slight consolation they prophesied that the chief commander of the foe they were to meet should fall and, having left the victory, should mar the triumph by his death . |
| Quumque Attila necem Aëtii, quod ejus motibus obviabat, vel cum sua perditione, duceret expetendam, tali praesagio sollicitus, ut erat consiliorum in rebus bellicis exquisitor, circa nonam diei horam proelium sub trepidatione committit, ut, si secus cederet, nox imminens subveniret. | Now Attila deemed the death of Aëtius a thing to be desired even at the cost of his own life, for Aëtius blocked his aims. So although he was disturbed by this prophecy, yet inasmuch as he was a man who sought counsel of omens in all warfare, he began the battle with anxious heart at about the ninth hour of the day, in order that the impending darkness might come to his aid if the outcome should be disastrous. |
|
XXXVIII 197 |
|
| Convenere partes, ut diximus, in campos Catalaunicos. | The armies met, as we have said, in the Catalaunian Plains. |
| Erat autem positio loci declivi tumore in editum collis excrescens. Quem uterque cupiens exercitus obtinere, quia loci opportunitas non parvum beneficium confert, dextram partem Hunni cum suis, sinistram Romani et Wisigothae cum auxiliariis occuparunt; relictoque jugo de cacumine ejus certamen ineunt. | The battlefield terrain rose in a steep bulge to a hilltop, which both armies sought to gain; for advantage of position is a great help. The Huns with their forces seized the right side, the Romans, the Visigoths and their allies the left, and then, having finished with the slope, they began a struggle for its crest. |
| Dextrum itaque cornu cum Wisigothis Theoderidus tenebat, sinistrum Aëtius cum Romanis, collocantes in medio Sangibanum, quem superius rettulimus praefuisse Alanis, providentes cautione militari, ut eum, de cujus animo minus praesumebant, fidelium turba concluderent. | Now Þiuða-reð with the Visigoths held the right wing and Aëtius with the Romans the left. They placed in the center Sangiban (who, as said before, was in command of the Alani), thus contriving with military caution to surround by a host of faithful troops the man in whose loyalty they had little confidence. |
| Facile namque assumit pugnandi necessitatem, cui fugiendi imponitur difficultas. | For one who has difficulties placed in the way of his flight readily submits to the necessity of fighting. |
| 198 | |
| E diverso vero fuit Hunnorum acies ordinata, ut in medio Attila cum suis fortissimis locaretur, sibi potius rex hac ordinatione prospiciens, quatenus inter gentis suae robur positus ab imminenti periculo redderetur exceptus. | On the other side, however, the battle line of the Huns was arranged so that Attila and his bravest followers were stationed in the center. In arranging them thus the king had chiefly his own safety in view, since by his position amidst the elite troops of his race he would be kept out of the way of threatening danger. |
| Cornua vero ejus multiplices populi et diversae nationes, quas dicioni suae subdiderat, ambiebant. | The innumerable peoples of the diverse tribes which he had subjected to his sway formed the wings. |
| 199 | |
| Inter quas Ostrogotharum praeeminebat exercitus, Walamere et Theudemere et Widimere germanis ductantibus, ipso etiam rege, cui tunc serviebant, nobilioribus, quia Amalorum generis eos potentia illustrabat; | Amid them was conspicuous the army of the Ostrogoths under the leadership of the brothers Wala-mer {"Beloved famous one"}, Þiuði-mer {"People-famed"} and Wiði-mer {"Forest-fame"}, nobler even than the king they served, for the might of the family of the Amals rendered them glorious. |
| eratque et Gepidarum agmini innumerabilium rex ille famosissimus Ardaricus, qui ob nimiam suam fidelitatem erga Attilam ejus consiliis intererat. | The renowned king of the Gibiðos {"The Givers"}, Arða-reik {"Earth-ruler," "Home-ground ruler"}, was there also with a countless host, and because of his great loyalty to Attila, he shared his plans. |
| Nam perpendens Attila sagacitate ejus, eum et Wala-merem, Ostrogotharum regem, super ceteros regulos diligebat. | For Attila, comparing them in his keen mind, prized him and Wala-mer, king of the Ostrogoths, above all the other chieftains. |
| 200 | |
| Erat namque Walamer secreti tenax, blandus alloquio, dolis gnarus; Ardaricus fide et consilio, ut diximus, clarus. Quibus non immerito contra parentes Wisigothas debuit credere pugnaturis. | Wala-mer was a good keeper of secrets, bland of speech and skilled in wiles, and Arða-reik, as we have said, was famed for his loyalty and wisdom. Attila might well feel sure that they would fight against the Visigoths, their kinsmen. |
| Reliqua autem, si dici fas est, turba regum diversarumque nationum ductores ac si satellites nutibus Attilae attendebant, et ubi oculo annuisset, absque aliqua murmuratione cum timore et tremore unusquisque astabat, aut certe, quod jussus fuerat exsequebatur. | Now the rest of the crowd of kings (if we may call them so) and the leaders of various nations hung upon Attila's nod like slaves, and when he gave a sign even by a glance, without a murmur each stood forth in fear and trembling, or at all events did as he was bid. |
| 201 | |
| Solus Attila rex omnium regum super omnes et pro omnibus sollicitus erat. | Attila alone was king of all kings over all and concerned for all. |
| Fit ergo de loci, quem diximus, opportunitate certamen. | So then the struggle began for the advantage of position we have mentioned. |
| Attila suos dirigit, qui cacumen montis invaderent. Sed a Thorismudo et Aëtio praevenitur, qui, eluctati collis excelsa ut conscenderant, superiores effecti sunt, venientesque Hunnos montis beneficio facile turbaverunt. | Attila sent his men to take the summit of the mountain, but was outstripped by Þaúris-moð {"Daring mood"} and Aëtius, who in their effort to gain the top of the hill reached higher ground and through this advantage of position easily routed the Huns as they came up. |
|
XXXIX 202 |
|
| Tunc Attila cum videret exercitum causa praecedente turbatum, tali eum ex tempore credidit alloquio confirmandum: "Post victorias tantarum gentium, post orbem, si consistatis, edomitum, ineptum judicaverim tamquam ignaros rei verbis acuere. Quaerat hoc aut novus ductor aut inexpertus exercitus. | Now when Attila saw his army was thrown into confusion by this event, he thought it best to encourage them by an extemporaneous address of this kind: "If, after victories over such great peoples, after having subdued the world, you should come to a halt, I would have thought it foolish to goad you with words as though you did not know what is at stake. Let a new leader or an untried army resort to that. |
| 203 | |
| "Nec mihi fas est aliquid vulgare dicere, nec vos oportet audire. Quid autem aliud vobis quam bellare consuetum? Aut quid viro forti suavius, quam vindictam manu quaerere? Magnum munus a natura animos ultione satiare. | "Likewise it is not right for me to say anything banal, nor ought you to listen. For what is war but your usual custom? Or what is sweeter for a brave man than to seek revenge with his own hand? It is a great gift of nature to sate the soul with vengeance. |
| 204 | |
| "Aggrediamur igitur hostem alacres; audaciores sunt semper, qui inferunt bellum. Adunatas despicite dissonas gentes! Indicium pavoris est societate defendi. En ante impetum nostrum terroribus jam feruntur: excelsa quaerunt, tumulos capiunt et, sera paenitudine, in campis munitiones efflagitant. Notum est vobis quam sint levia Romanorum arma: primo etiam non dicam vulnere, sed ipso pulvere gravantur, dum in ordine coeunt et acies testudinesque conectunt. | "Let us then attack the foe eagerly; for they are ever the bolder who make the attack. Despise this union of discordant races! To defend oneself by alliance is proof of cowardice. See, even before our attack they are smitten with terror. They seek the heights, they seize the hills and, repenting too late, clamor for cover in the open fields. You know how slight a matter the Roman attack is. While they are still gathering in order and forming in one line with locked shields, they are checked, I will not say by the first wound, but even by the dust of battle. |
| 205 | |
| "Vos confligite perstantibus animis, ut soletis, despicientesque eorum aciem Alanos invadite, in Wisigothas incumbite! Inde nobis citam victoriam quaerere, unde se continet bellum. Abscisis enim nervis mox membra relabuntur; nec potest stare corpus, cui ossa subtraxeris. Consurgant animi, furor solitus intumescat. Nunc consilia, Hunni, nunc arma depromite: aut vulneratus quis adversarii mortem reposcat aut illaesus hostium clade satietur. | "Then on to the fray with resolute hearts, as is your wont. Despise their battle line. Attack the Alans, smite the Visigoths! Seek swift victory in that spot where the battle rages. For when the sinews are cut the limbs soon drop, nor can a body stand when you have removed the bones. Let your courage rise and your own fury burst forth! Show now your cunning, Huns, now your deeds of arms! Let the wounded exact in return the death of his foe; let the unwounded revel in slaughter of the enemy. |
| 206 | |
| "Victuris nulla tela conveniunt, morituros et in otio fata praecipitant. Postremo cur fortuna Hunnos tot gentium victores assereret, nisi ad certaminis hujus gaudia praeparasset? Quis denique Maeotidarum iter majoribus nostris aperuit tot saeculis clausum secretum? Quis adhuc inermibus cedere faciebat armatos? Faciem Hunnorum non poterat ferre adunata collectio. Non fallor eventu: hic campus est, quem nobis tot prospera promiserunt. Primus in hostem tela conjiciam. Si quis potuerit Attila pugnante otium ferre, sepultus est." His verbis accensi, in pugnam cuncti praecipitantur. | "No spear shall harm those who are sure to live; and those who are sure to die Fate overtakes even in peace. And finally, why would Fortune have made the Huns victorious over so many nations, unless it were to prepare them for the joy of this conflict? Who was it revealed to our forefathers the path through the Maeotian swamp, for so many ages a closed secret? Who, moreover, made armed men yield to you, when you were as yet unarmed? Even a mass of federated nations could not endure the sight of the Huns. I am not deceived in the issue; - here is the field so many victories have promised us. I shall hurl the first spear at the foe. If any can endure rest while Attila fights, he is a dead man." Inflamed by these words, they all dashed into battle. |
|
XL 207 |
|
| Et quamvis haberent res ipse formidinem, praesentia tamen regis cunctationem morantibus auferebat. Manu manibus congrediuntur; bellum atrox multiplex immane pertinax, cui simile nulla usquam narrat antiquitas, ubi talia gesta referuntur, ut nihil esset, quod in vita sua conspicere potuisset egregius, qui hujus miraculi privaretur aspectu. | And although the situation was itself fearful, yet the presence of their king dispelled delay in those who had been tarrying. Hand to hand they clashed in battle, and the fight grew fierce, confused, monstrous, unrelenting -- a fight whose like no ancient time has ever recorded. There such deeds were done that a brave man who missed this marvelous spectacle could not hope to see anything so wonderful all his life long. |
| 208 | |
| Nam, si senioribus credere fas est, rivulus memorati campi humili ripa praelabens, peremptorum vulneribus sanguine multo provectus est, non auctus imbribus, ut solebat, sed liquore concitatus insolito torrens factus est cruoris augmento. | For, if we may believe our elders, a brook flowing between low banks through the plain was greatly increased by blood from the wounds of the slain. It was not flooded by showers, as brooks usually rise, but was swollen by a strange stream and turned into a rapid torrent by the increase of blood. |
| Et quos illic coegit in aridam sitim vulnus inflictum, fluenta mixta clade traxerunt: ita constricti sorte miserabili, sorbebant potantes sanguinem quem fuderant sauciati. | Those whose wounds drove them to slake their parching thirst drank water mingled with gore. In their wretched plight the drinkers were forced to imbibe the blood they had poured from their own wounds. |
| 209 | |
| Hic Theodoridus rex dum adhortans discurrit per exercitum, equo depulsus pedibusque suorum conculcatus vitam maturae senectutis conclusit. | At this point King Þiuða-reð, while dashing around through his army encouraging them, was thrown from his horse and trampled under foot by his own men, thus ending his days at a ripe old age. |
| Alii vero dicunt eum interfectum telo Andagis de parte Ostrogotharum, qui tunc Attilae sequebantur regimen. | But others say he was slain by the spear of Anda-gis {"Endpoint (of)-spear," "Spearpoint"} of the host of the Ostrogoths, who were then under the sway of Attila. |
| Hoc fuit quod Attilae praesagio haruspices prius dixerant, quamvis ille de Aëtio suspicaretur. | This was what the soothsayers had earlier told to Attila in prophecy, even though he had understood it of Aëtius. |
| 210 | |
| Tunc Wisigothae, dividentes se ab Alanis, invadunt Hunnorum catervam et paene Attilam trucidarent, nisi providus prius fugisset et se suosque ilico intra saepta castrorum, quae plaustris vallata habebat, reclusisset; | Then the Visigoths, separating from the Alans, fell upon the horde of the Huns and, indeed, would have slain Attila, had he not first prudently taken flight and immediately shut himself and his companions within the barriers of the camp, which he had fortified with wagons. |
| quamvis fragili munimine, eo tamen quaesierunt subsidium vitae, quibus paulo ante nullus poterat muralis agger obsistere. | A frail defense indeed; yet there they sought refuge for their lives, whom but a little while before no earthen walls could withstand. |
| 211 | |
| Thorismud autem, regis Theodoridi filius, qui cum Aëtio collem anticipans hostes de superiori loco proturbaverat, credens se ad agmina propria pervenire, nocte caeca ad hostium carpenta ignarus incurrit. | But Þaúris-moð, the son of King Þiuða-reð, who with Aëtius had seized the hill and repulsed the enemy from the higher ground, unwittingly ran into the wagons of the enemy in the darkness of night, thinking he had reached his own lines. |
| Quem fortiter dimicantem quidam capite vulnerato equo dejecit, suorumque providentia liberatus a proeliandi contentione desivit. | As he was fighting bravely, wounded in the head, someone dislodged him from his horse. Then he was rescued by the watchful care of his followers and withdrew from the fierce conflict. |
| 212 | |
| Aëtius vero similiter noctis confusione divisus quum inter hostes medius vagaretur, trepidus ne quid incidisset adversi, Gothos inquirit, tandemque ad socia castra perveniens, reliquum noctis scutorum defensione transegit. | Aëtius also became separated from his men in the confusion of night and wandered about in the midst of the enemy. Fearing disaster had happened, he went about in search of the Goths. At last he reached the camp of his allies and passed the remainder of the night in the protection of their shields. |
| Postera die luce orta quum tumulatos cadaveribus campos aspicerent nec audere Hunnos erumpere, suam arbitrantur esse victoriam, scientesque Attilam non nisi magna clade confossum bella defugere, quum tamen nil ageret, velut prostratus, abjectum, sed, strepens armis, tubis canebat incursionemque minabatur, velut leo venabulis pressus, speluncae aditus obambulans, nec audet insurgere, nec desinit fremitibus vicina terrere. | At dawn on the following day, when the Romans saw the fields were piled high with bodies and that the Huns did not venture forth, they thought the victory was theirs, but knew that Attila would not flee from the battle unless overwhelmed by a great disaster. Yet he did nothing cowardly, like one that is overcome, but with clash of arms sounded the trumpets and threatened an attack. He was like a lion pierced by hunting spears, who paces to and fro before the mouth of his den and neither dares to spring nor ceases to terrify the surroundings by his roaring. |
| Sic bellicosissimus rex victores suos turbabat inclusus. | Thus even at bay this warlike king terrified his conquerors. |
| 213 | |
| Conveniunt itaque Gothi Romanique et quid agerent de superato Attila, deliberant. | Therefore the Goths and Romans assembled and considered what to do with the vanquished Attila. |
| Placet eum obsidione fatigari, quia annonae copiam non habebat, quando ab ipsorum sagittariis intra saepta castrorum locatis, crebris ictibus arceretur accessus. | They determined to wear him out by a siege, because he had no supply of provisions and was hindered from approaching by a shower of arrows from the bowmen placed within the confines of the Roman camp. |
| Fertur autem desperatis rebus praedictum regem, adhuc et supremo magnanimem, equinis sellis construxisse pyram seseque, si adversarii irrumperent, flammis injicere voluisse, ne aut aliquis ejus vulnere laetaretur aut in potestatem hostium tantarum gentium dominus perveniret. | But it was said that in these desperate circumstances the king, heroically brave even to the last, had heaped up a pyre of horse saddles, and intended, if the enemy attacked, to throw himself into the flames, so that none might have the joy of wounding him and that the lord of so many races might not fall into the hands of his foes. |
|
XLI 214 |
|
| Verum inter has obsidionum moras, Wisigothae regem, filii patrem requirunt, admirantes ejus absentiam, dum felicitas fuerit subsecuta. | Now during these delays in the siege, the Visigoths sought their king and the king's sons their father, wondering at his absence when success had been attained. |
| Cumque diutius exploratum, ut viris fortibus mos est, inter densissima cadavera repperissent, cantibus honoratum inimicis spectantibus abstulerunt. | When, after a long search, they found him where the dead lay thickest, as happens with brave men, they honored him with songs and bore him away in the sight of the enemy. |
| Videres Gothorum globos dissonis vocibus confragosos inter bella adhuc furentia funeri reddidisse culturam. | You might have seen bands of Goths shouting with dissonant cries and rendering the last rites to the body while the battle still raged. |
| Fundebantur lacrimae, sed quae viris fortibus impendi solent. | Tears were shed, but the kind that were customarily shed for brave men. |
| Nam mors erat, sed Hunno teste gloriosa, unde hostium putaretur inclinatam fore superbiam, quando tanti regis efferri cadaver cum suis insignibus conspiciebant. | It was death indeed, but the Huns are witness that it was a glorious one. It was a death whereby one might well suppose the pride of the enemy would be lowered, when they beheld the body of so great a king borne forth with his insignia. |
| 215 | |
| At Gothi Theodorido adhuc justa solventes, armis insonantibus, regiam deferunt majestatem, fortissimusque Thorismud bene gloriosos manes carissimi patris, ut decebat filium, patris exsequias prosecutus est. | And so the Goths, still continuing the rites due to Þiuða-reð, bore forth the royal majesty with sounding arms, and valiant Þaúris-moð, as befitted a son, escorted his beloved father's glorious soul on its way, his father's funeral procession. |
| Quod postquam peractum est, orbitatis dolore commotus et virtutis impetu, qua valebat, dum in reliquis Hunnorum, mortem patris vindicare contendit, Aëtium patricium ac si seniorem prudentiaque maturum de hac parte consuluit, quid sibi esset in tempore faciendum. | When this was done, Þaúris-moð was eager to take vengeance for his father's death on the remaining Huns, being moved to this both by the pain of bereavement and the impulse of that valor for which he was noted. Yet he consulted with the Patrician Aëtius (for he was an older man and of more mature wisdom) with regard to what he ought to do next. |
| 216 | |
| Ille vero metuens ne, Hunnis funditus interemptis, a Gothis Romanum premeretur imperium, praebet hac suasione consilium, ut ad sedes proprias remearet regnumque, quod pater reliquerat, arriperet, ne germani ejus, opibus assumptis paternis, Wisigotharum regnum invaderent graviterque dehinc cum suis et, quod pejus est, miseriterque pugnaret. | But Aëtius feared that if the Huns were totally destroyed by the Goths, the Roman Empire would be overwhelmed, and urgently advised him to return to his own dominions to take up the rule which his father had left. Otherwise his brothers might seize their father's possessions and obtain the power over the Visigoths. In this case Þaúris-moð would have to fight fiercely and, what is worse, unsuccessfully, with his own countrymen. |
| Quo responso non ambigue, ut datum est, sed pro sua potius utilitate suscepto, relictis Hunnis rediit ad Gallias. | Þaúris-moð accepted the advice without perceiving its double meaning, but as meant for his own good. So he left the Huns and returned to Gaul. |
| 217 | |
| Sic humana fragilitas, dum suspicionibus occurrit, magnarum plerumque agendarum rerum occasionem intercipit. | Thus when human frailty moves to counteract its suspicions, it often cuts short the opportunity to do great things. |
| In hoc enim famosissimo et fortissimarum gentium bello ab utrisque partibus CLXV milia {= centum sexaginta quinque milia = 165,000} caesa referuntur, exceptis quindecim milibus Gepidarum et Francorum, qui ante congressionem publicam noctu sibi occurrentes mutuis concidere vulneribus, Francis pro Romanorum, Gepidis pro Hunnorum parte pugnantibus. | In this most famous war of the bravest tribes, one hundred and sixty five thousand are said to have been slain on both sides, not counting fifteen thousand of the Gibiðos and Franks, who met each other the night before the general engagement and fell by wounds mutually received, the Franks fighting for the Romans and the Gibiðos for the Huns. |
| 218 | |
| Attila igitur, cognita discessione Gothorum, quod de inopinatis colligi solet, inimicorum magis aestimans dolum, diutius se intra castra continuit. | Now when Attila learned of the retreat of the Goths, he thought it a ruse of the enemy, - for so men are wont to believe when the unexpected happens - and remained for some time in his camp. |
| Sed ubi hostium absentiam sunt longa silentia consecuta, erigitur mens ad victoriam, gaudia praesumuntur atque potentis regis animus in antiqua fata revertitur. | But when a long silence followed the absence of the foe, the spirit of the mighty king was aroused to the thought of victory and the anticipation of pleasure, and his mind turned to the old oracles of his destiny. |
| Thorismud ergo, patre mortuo in campis statim Catalaunicis, ubi et pugnaverat, regia majestate subvectus Tolosam ingreditur. | Þaúris-moð, however, after the death of his father on the Catalaunian Plains where he had fought, advanced in royal state and entered Toulouse. |
| Hic, licet fratrum et fortium turba gauderet, ipse tamen sic sua initia moderatus est, ut nullius repperiret de regni successione certamen. | Here, although he enjoyed a throng of brave brethren, he yet began to rule so mildly that no one competed with him for the succession to the kingdom. |
|
XLII 219 |
|
| Attila vero, nancta occasione de secessu Wisigotharum, et, quod saepe optaverat, cernens hostium solutionem per partes, mox jam securus ad oppressionem Romanorum movit procinctum, primaque aggressione Aquilejensem obsidet civitatem, quae est metropolis Venetiarum, in mucrone vel lingua Hadriatici posita Sinus, cujus ab oriente muros Natissa amnis fluens a monte Piccis elambit. | But Attila exploited the opportunity of the Visigoths' departure, observing what he had often desired - the breakup of his enemies. Later on {in 452 C.E.}, feeling secure, he moved forward his battle formations to attack the Romans. As his first move he besieged the city of Aquileja, the metropolis of Venetia, which is situated on a point or tongue of land in the Adriatic Gulf. On the eastern side its walls are washed by the river Natissa {= modern Natisone}, flowing from Mount Piccis. |
| 220 | |
| Ibique quum diu multumque obsidens nihil penitus praevaleret, fortissimis intrinsecus Romanorum militibus resistentibus, exercitu jam murmurante et discedere cupiente, Attila deambulans circa muros, dum utrum solveret castra an adhuc remoraretur deliberat, animadvertit candidas aves, id est ciconias, quae in fastigiis domorum nidificant, de civitate fetus suos trahere atque contra morem per rura forinsecus comportare. | The siege was long and fierce, but of no avail, since the bravest soldiers of the Romans withstood him from within. At last his army was discontented and eager to withdraw. Attila chanced to be walking around the walls, considering whether to break camp or delay longer, and noticed that the white birds, namely, the storks, who build their nests in the gables of houses, were bearing their young from the city and, contrary to their custom, were carrying them out into the country. |
| 221 | |
| Et ut erat sagacissimus inquisitor, praesensit et ad suos "Respicite," inquit, "aves futurarum rerum providas perituram relinquere civitatem casurasque arces periculo imminente deserere. Non hoc vacuum, non hoc credatur incertum; rebus praesciis consuetudinem mutat ventura formido." | Being a shrewd observer of events, he understood this omen and said to his soldiers: "You see the birds foresee the future. They are leaving the city sure to perish and are forsaking strongholds doomed to fall by reason of imminent peril. Do not think this a meaningless or uncertain sign; fear, arising from the things they foresee, has changed their custom." |
| Quid plura? Animos suorum rursus ad oppugnandam Aquilejam inflammat. | Why say more? He inflamed the hearts of his soldiers to attack Aquileja again. |
| Qui, machinis constructis omnibusque generibus tormentorum adhibitis, nec mora et invadunt civitatem, spoliant, dividunt vastantque crudeliter, ita ut vix ejus vestigia ut appareant reliquerunt. | Constructing battering rams and bringing to bear all manner of engines of war, they quickly forced their way into the city, laid it waste, divided the spoil and so cruelly devastated it as scarcely to leave a trace to be seen. |
| 222 | |
| Exhinc jam audaciores et necdum Romanorum sanguine satiati per reliquas Venetum civitates Hunni bacchantur. | Then growing bolder and still thirsting for Roman blood, the Huns raged madly through the remaining cities of the Veneti. |
| Mediolanum quoque Liguriae metropolim et quondam regiam urbem pari tenore devastant nec non Ticinum aequali sorte dejiciunt vicinaque loca saevientes allidunt demoliunturque paene totam Italiam. | They also laid waste Mediolanum {= modern Milan}, the metropolis of Liguria, once an imperial city, and gave over Ticinum {= modern Pavia} to a like fate. Then they destroyed the neighboring places in their frenzy and demolished almost the whole of Italy. |
| Quumque ad Romam animus fuisset ejus attentus accedere, sui eum, ut Priscus historicus refert, removerunt, non urbi, cui inimici erant, consulentes, sed Alarici quondam Wisigotharum regis objicientes exemplum, veriti regis sui fortunam, quia ille post fractam Romam non diu supervixerit, sed protinus rebus humanis excesserit. | Attila's mind had been bent on going to Rome. But his followers, as the historian Priscus relates, deterred him, not out of regard for the city to which they were hostile, but because they remembered the case of Ala-reik, the former king of the Visigoths. They distrusted the good fortune of their own king, inasmuch as Ala-reik had not lived long after the sack of Rome, but had right away departed this life. |
| 223 | |
| Igitur dum ejus animus ancipiti negotio inter ire et non ire fluctuaret secumque deliberans tardaret, placida ei legatio a Roma advenit. | Therefore while Attila's spirit was wavering in doubt between going and not going, and he still lingered to ponder the matter, an embassy came to him from Rome to seek peace. |
| Nam Leo papa per se ad eum accedit in agro Venetum Ambulejo, ubi Mincius amnis commeantium frequentatione transitur. | Pope Leo himself came to meet him in the Ambuleian district of the Veneti at the well-traveled ford of the river Mincius. |
| Qui mox deposuit exercitatum furorem et rediens, quo venerat, iter, ultra Danubium promissa pace discessit, illud prae omnibus denuntians atque interminando decernens, graviora se Italiae illaturum, nisi ad se Honoriam, Valentiniani principis germanam, filiam Placidiae Augustae, cum portione sibi regalium opum debita mitterent. | Then Attila quickly put aside his usual fury, turned back on the way he had advanced from beyond the Danube and departed with the promise of peace. But above all he declared and avowed with threats that he would bring worse things upon Italy, unless they sent him Honoria {Justa Grata Honoria, 417/418-until after 451 C.E.; "Augusta" (Empress) from 425}, the sister of the Emperor Valentinian {III; Emperor of the West, 425-455} and daughter of the Augusta {i.e., Empress} Placidia, with her due share of the royal wealth. |
| 224 | |
| Ferebatur enim, quia haec Honoria, dum propter aulae decus ad castitatem teneretur nutu fratris inclusa, clam eunucho misso Attilam invitasset, ut contra fratris potentiam ejus patrociniis uteretur: prorsus indignum facinus, ut licentiam libidinis malo publico compararet. | For it was said that Honoria, although forced to chastity by being kept confined at her brother's order for the dignity of the imperial court, had secretly dispatched a eunuch to summon Attila that she might have his protection against her brother's power: a shameful thing, indeed, to get license for her passion at the cost of the public weal. |
|
XLIII 225 |
|
| Reversus itaque Attila in sedes suas et quasi otii paenitens graviterque ferens a bello cessare, ad Orientis principem Marcianum legatos dirigit, provinciarum testans vastationem, quod sibi promissum a Theodosio quondam imperatore minime persolveretur, et inhumanior solito suis hostibus appareret. | So Attila returned to his own country, seeming to regret the peace and to be vexed at the cessation of war. For he sent ambassadors to Marcian, Emperor of the East {450-457}, threatening to devastate the provinces, because that which had been promised him by Theodosius {II, 408-450}, a former emperor {of the East}, was not by any means being paid, and saying that he would show himself more cruel to his foes than ever. |
| Haec tamen agens, ut erat versutus et callidus, alibi minatus alibi arma sua commovit, et, quod restabat indignationis, faciem in Wisigothas convertit. | But being shrewd and crafty, he threatened in one direction and moved his army in another and - the other part of his antipathy - turned his attention to the Visigoths. |
| 226 | |
| Sed non eum, quem de Romanis, reportavit eventum. | But here he did not have the same success as against the Romans. |
| Nam per dissimiles anterioribus vias recurrens, Alanorum partem trans flumen Ligeris considentem statuit suae redigere dicioni, quatenus mutata per ipsos belli facie, terribilior immineret. | Hastening back by a different way than before, he decided to reduce to his sway that part of the Alans settled on the other side of the river Loire, so that by changing the aspect of the war he might become a more fearsome menace to the Visigoths. |
| Igitur a Dacia et Pannonia provinciis, in quibus tunc Hunni cum diversis subditis nationibus insidebant, egrediens, Attila in Alanos movit procinctum. | Accordingly he started from the provinces of Dacia and Pannonia, where the Huns were then dwelling with various subject peoples, and moved his strike force against the Alans. |
| 227 | |
| Sed Thorismud rex Wisigotharum, fraudem Attilae non impari subtilitate praesentiens, ad Alanos tota velocitate prius advenit, ibique supervenientis Attilae motibus jam praeparatus occurrit, consertoque proelio paene simili eum tenore, ut prius in campis Catalaunicis, ab spe removit victoriae, fugatumque a partibus suis sine triumpho remittens in sedes proprias fugere compulit. | But Þaúris-moð, king of the Visigoths, with like quickness of thought perceived Attila's trick. By forced marches he reached the Alans ahead of him, and was there in time to check the already beginning maneuvers of the oncoming Attila. They joined battle in almost the same way as before at the Catalaunian Plains, and Thorismud dashed his hopes of victory, for he routed him and drove him from the land without a triumph, compelling him to flee to his own country. |
| Sic Attila, famosus et multarum victoriarum dominus, dum quaerit famam perditoris abjicere et quod prius a Wisigothis pertulerat abolere, geminata sustinuit ingloriosusque recessit. | Thus while Attila, the famous leader and lord of many victories, sought to blot out the fame of his destroyer and in this way to annul what he had suffered at the hands of the Visigoths, he met a second defeat and retreated ingloriously. |
| 228 | |
| Thorismud vero, repulsis ab Alanis Hunnorum catervis sine aliqua suorum laesione, Tolosam migravit, suorumque quieta pace composita, tertio anno regni sui aegrotans, dum sanguinem tollit de vena, ab Ascalc, suo cliente, inimico nuntiante arma subtracta, peremptus est. | Now after the bands of the Huns had been repulsed by the Alani, without any hurt to his own men, Þaúris-moð departed for Toulouse. There he established a settled peace for his people and in the third year of his reign fell sick. While letting blood from a vein, he was betrayed to his death by At-skalk {"At-hand Slave," "Personal Chamberlain"}, a client, who told his foes that his weapons were out of reach. |
| Una tamen manu, quam liberam habebat, scabellum tenens, sanguinis sui exstitit ultor, aliquantos insidiantes sibi exstinguens. | Yet grasping a foot-stool in the one hand he had free, he became the avenger of his own blood by slaying several of those that were lying in wait for him. |
|
XLIV 229 |
|
| Post cujus decessum Theoderidus, germanus ejus, Wisigotharum in regnum succedens, id mox Riciarium Swavorum regem, cognatum suum, repperit inimicum. | After his death, his brother Þiuða-reð succeeded to the kingdom of the Visigoths and soon found that Riqi-harjis {"Dark-army," "Dark-battletroop," king 448-456} his kinsman, the king of the Swavi, was hostile to him. |
| Hic etenim Riciarius, affinitate Theoderidi praesumens, universam paene Hispaniam sibi credidit occupandam, judicans opportunum tempus surreptioni, incomposita initia temptare regnantis. | For Riqi-harjis, presuming on his relationship to Þiuða-reð, believed that he might seize almost the whole of Spain, judging the time opportune for the strategem of putting the disordered beginning of the rulership to the test. |
| 230 | |
| Quibus antea Gallaecia et Lusitania sedes fuere, quae in dextro latere Hispaniae per ripam Oceani porriguntur, habentes ab oriente Austrogoniam, ab occidente in promuntorio sacrum Scipionis Romani ducis monumentum, a septentrione Oceanum, a meridie Lusitaniam et fluvium Tagum qui, harenis suis permiscens auri metalla, trahit cum limi vilitate divitias. | The Swavi formerly occupied as their country Gallaecia and Lusitania, which extend on the right side of Spain along the shore of Ocean. To the east is Austrogonia, to the west, on a promontory, is the sacred Monument of the Roman general Scipio, to the north Ocean, and to the south Lusitania and the Tagus {= modern Tago} river, which mingles golden grains in its sands and thus carries wealth in its worthless mud. |
| Exinde ergo exiens Riciarius, rex Swavorum, nititur totas Hispanias occupare. | So then Riqi-harjis, king of the Swavi, set forth and strove to seize the whole of Spain. |
| 231 | |
| Cui Theodoridus, cognatus ejus, ut erat moderatus, legatos mittens, pacifice dixit, ut non solum recederet a finibus alienis, verum etiam nec temptare praesumeret, odium sibi tali ambitione acquirens. | Þiuða-reð, his kinsman, a man of moderation, sent ambassadors to him and told him quietly that he must not only withdraw from the territories that were not his own, but further more that he should not presume to make such an attempt, as he was becoming hated for his ambition. |
| Ille vero animo praetumido ait: "Si hic murmuras et me venire causaris, Tolosam, ubi tu sedes, veniam; ibi, si vales, resiste." | But with arrogant spirit he replied: "If you murmur here and find fault with my coming, I shall come to Toulouse where you dwell. Resist me there, if you can." |
| His auditis aegre tulit Theodoridus compacatusque cum ceteris gentibus arma movit in Swavos, Burgundionum quoque Gundiwichum et Hilpericum, reges auxiliarios, habens sibique devotos. | When he heard this, Þiuða-reð was angry and, making a compact with all the other tribes, moved his array against the Swavi {456 C.E.}. He had as his close allies Gundi-weih {"Battle-combat"} and Hilpa-reik {"Helper-prince," "Powerful helper"}, kings of the Burgundians. |
| 232 | |
| Ventum est ad certamen juxta flumen Ulbium, quod inter Asturiam Hiberiamque praetermeat; consertoque proelio Theoderidus cum Wisigothis, qui ex justa parte pugnabat, victor efficitur, Suavorum gentem paene cunctam usque ad internecionem prosternens. | They came to battle near the river Ulbius {= Urbicus, modern Obrego}, which flows between Asturia and Hiberia; and in the engagement Þiuða-reð with the Visigoths, who fought for the right, came off victorious, overthrowing the entire tribe of the Suavi and almost exterminating them. |
| Quorum rex Riciarius, relicto infesto hoste, fugiens in navem conscendit, adversaque procella Tyrrheni hoste repercussus, Wisigotharum est manibus redditus. Miserabilis non differt mortem, quum elementa mutaverit. | Their king Riqi-harjis fled from the dread foe and embarked upon a ship. But he was beaten back by another foe, the adverse wind of the Tyrrhenian Sea, and so fell into the hands of the Visigoths. Thus though he changed from sea to land, the wretched man did not delay his death. |
| 233 | |
| Theoderidus vero victor exsistens, subactis pepercit nec ultra certamine saevire permisit, praeponens Swavis, quos subegerat, clientem proprium nomine Agiwulfum. | When Þiuða-reð had become the victor, he spared the conquered and did not suffer the rage of conflict to continue, but placed over the Swavi whom he had conquered one of his own retainers, named Agji-wulf {"Edge-wolf," i.e., "Swordblade wolf"}. |
| Qui, in brevi, animum praevaricatione Swavorum suasionibus commutans, neglexit imperata complere, potius tyrannica elatione superbiens credensque se ea virtute provinciam obtinere, qua dudum cum domino suo eam subegisset. | But Agji-wulf soon treacherously changed his mind, through the persuasion of the Swavi, and failed to fulfill his duty. For he was quite puffed up with tyrannical pride, believing he had obtained the province as a reward for the valor by which he and his lord had recently subjugated it. |
| Vir si quidem erat Warnorum stirpe genitus, longe a Gothici sanguinis nobilitate sejunctus, idcirco nec libertati studens nec patrono fidem servans. | Now he was a man born of the stock of the Warni {"the Wary," "those On Guard"}, far below the nobility of Gothic blood, and so was neither zealous for liberty nor faithful toward his patron. |
| 234 | |
| Quo comperto Theodoridus mox contra eum, qui eum de regno invaso dejicerent, destinavit. | As soon as Þiuða-reð heard of this, he sent forces to cast him out from the kingdom he had usurped. |
| Qui venientes sine mora, in primo eum certamine superantes, congruam factorum ejus ab eo exegerunt ultionem. | They came quickly and conquered him in the first battle, inflicting a punishment befitting his deeds. |
| Captus namque et suorum solacio destitutus, capite plectitur, sensitque tandem iratum, qui propitium dominum crediderat contemnendum. | For he was captured, taken from his friends and beheaded. Thus at last he was made aware of the wrath of the master he thought might be despised because he was kind. |
| Tunc Swavi rectoris sui interitum contuentes, locorum sacerdotes ad Theoderidum supplices direxerunt. | Now when the Swavi beheld the death of their leader, they sent priests of their country to Þiuða-reð as suppliants. |
| Quos ille pontificali reverentia suscipiens non solum impunitatem Swavorum indulsit, sed et ut sibi de suo genere principem constituerent, flexus pietate concessit. | He received them with the reverence due their office and not only granted the Swavi exemption from punishment, but was moved by compassion and allowed them to choose a ruler of their own race for themselves. |
| Quod et factum est, et Rimismundum sibi Swavi regulum ordinaverunt. | The Swavi did so, taking Rimis-mund {"Peaceful-protection," "Calm guard-arm"} as their prince. |
| His peractis paceque cunctis munitis, tertio decimo regni sui anno Theoderidus occubuit. | When this was done and peace was everywhere assured, Þiuða-reð died in the thirteenth year of his reign. |
|
XLV 235 |
|
| Cui frater Eurichus praecupida festinatione succedens scaeva suspicione pulsatus est. | His brother Aiwa-reik succeeded him with such eager haste that he fell under dark suspicion. |
| Nam dum haec circa Wisigotharum gentem et alia nonnulla geruntur, Valentinianus Imperator dolo Maximi occisus est et ipse Maximus, tyrannico more, regnum invasit. | Now while these and various other matters were happening among the people of the Visigoths, the Emperor Valentinian {III, Emperor of the West} was slain {455 C.E.} by the treachery of {Petronius} Maximus, and Maximus himself, like a tyrant, usurped the rule. |
| Quod audiens Gaisaricus rex Wandalorum ab Africa armata classe in Italiam venit Romamque ingressus cuncta devastat. | Gaisa-reik, king of the Vandals, heard of this and came from Africa to Italy with ships of war, entered Rome and laid it waste. |
| Maximus vero fugiens, a quodam Urso, milite Romano, interemptus est. | Maximus fled and was slain {in 455} by a certain Ursus, a Roman soldier. |
| 236 | |
| Post quem, jussu Marciani Imperatoris Orientalis, Majorianus Occidentale suscepit imperium gubernandum. | After him Majorian {ruled 457-461} undertook the government of the Western Empire at the bidding of Marcian, Emperor of the East. |
| Sed et ipse non diu regnans, dum contra Alanos, qui Gallias infestabant, movisset procinctum, Dertona juxta fluvium Ira cognomento occiditur. | But he too ruled but a short time. For when he had moved his forces against the Alans who were harassing Gaul, he was killed at Dertona {modern Tortona, northwestern Italy} near the river named Ira. |
| Cujus locum Severus invasit, qui tertio anno imperii sui Romae obiit. | {Libius} Severus {ruled 461-465} succeeded him and died at Rome in the third year of his reign. |
| Quod cernens Leo Imperator, qui in Orientali regno Marciano successerat, Anthemium Patricium suum ordinans, Romae principem destinavit. | When the Emperor Leo, who had succeeded Marcian in the Eastern Empire, learned of this, he chose as emperor his Patrician Anthemius {467-472} and sent him to Rome. |
| Qui veniens ilico Ricimerem generum suum contra Alanos direxit, virum egregium et paene tunc in Italia ad exercitum singularem. | Upon his arrival he sent against the Alans his son-in-law Riqi-mer {"Darkness-famed," "Dark-renown"}, who was an excellent man and almost the only one in Italy at that time fit to command the army. |
| Qui et multitudinem Alanorum et regem eorum Beorgum in primo statim certamine superatus ad internecionem prostravit. | In the very first engagement he conquered and destroyed the host of the Alans, together with their king, Beorg {464}. |
| 237 | |
| Euricus ergo, Wisigotharum rex, crebram mutationem Romanorum principum cernens, Gallias suo jure nisus est occupare. | Now Aiwa-reik, king of the Visigoths, perceived the frequent change of Roman Emperors and strove to take control of Gaul by his own right. |
| Quod comperiens, Anthemius Imperator Brittonum solacia postulavit. | The Emperor {of the West} Anthemius {467-472} heard of it and asked the Bretons for aid. |
| Quorum rex Riotimus cum duodecim milibus, veniens in Biturigas civitatem Oceano, e navibus egressus susceptus est. | Their King Riotimus {(or Riothamus, from Celtic *Rigo-tamos "King-most"; the origin of "King Arthur")}, coming with twelve thousand men to the city of Bourges from Ocean, was taken in as soon as he got off of his ships {469 C.E.}. |
| 238 | |
| Ad quos rex Wisigotharum Eurichus innumerum ductans advenit exercitum diuque pugnans, Riotimum, Brittonum regem, antequam Romani in ejus societate conjungerentur, effugavit. | Aiwa-reik, king of the Visigoths, arrived leading an innumerable army against them, and after a long fight he routed Riotimus, king of the Bretons, before the Romans could join him. |
| Qui, ampla parte exercitus amissa, cum quibus potuit fugiens, ad Burgundionum gentem vicinam Romanisque in eo tempore foederatam advenit. | So when he had lost a great part of his army, he fled with all the men he could gather together, and came to the Burgundians {to the place then and now called Avallon, according to Arthurian legend}, a neighboring tribe then allied to the Romans. |
| Eurichus vero, rex Wisigotharum, Arvernam, Galliae civitatem, occupavit, Anthemio principe jam defuncto: | But Aiwa-reik, king of the Visigoths, seized the Gallic district of Auvergne; for the Emperor Anthemius was now dead {472}. |
| 239 | |
| Qui, quum cum Ricimere genero suo intestino bello saeviens Romam trivisset, ipse a genero peremptus regnum reliquit Olybrio. | Engaged in fierce war with his son-in-law Riqi-mer, he had worn out Rome and was himself finally slain by his son-in-law and yielded the rule to Olybrius {emperor of the West, 472}. |
| Quo tempore in Constantinopoli, Aspar, primus Patriciorum et Gothorum genere clarus, cum Ardabure et Patriciolo filiis, illo quidem olim Patricio, hoc autem Caesare generoque Leonis principis appellato, spadonum ensibus in palatio vulneratus interiit. | At that time Aspar, first of the Patricians and a famous man of the Gothic race {(but with an Alan father and Gothic mother)} was wounded by the swords of the eunuchs in his palace at Constantinople and died {473}. With him were slain his sons Arða-baúrjis {"Earth-son," "Child of the land"} and Patriciolus, the one long a Patrician, and the other styled a Caesar and son-in-law of the Emperor {of the East} Leo {I, 457-474}. |
| Et Olybrio necdum octavo mense in regnum ingresso obeunte, Glycerius apud Ravennam plus praesumptione quam electione Caesar effectus est. | Now Olybrius died not quite eight months after he had entered upon his reign, and Glycerius {emperor of the West, 473} was made Caesar at Ravenna, rather by usurpation than by election. |
| Quem anno vix expleto Nepos, Marcellini quondam Patricii sororis filius, a regno dejiciens, in Portu Romano episcopum ordinavit. | Hardly had a year been ended when Nepos {emperor of the West, 473-475}, the son of the sister of the former Patrician Marcellinus, deposed him from his office and ordained him bishop at the Port of Rome. |
| 240 | |
| Tantas varietates mutationesque Eurichus cernens, ut diximus superius, Arvernam occupat civitatem, ubi tunc Romanorum dux praeerat Ecdicius, nobilissimus senator et Aviti dudum Imperatoris (qui ad paucos dies regnum invaserat) filius; nam hic, ante Olybrium paucis diebus tenens imperium, ultro secessit Placentiam, ibique episcopus est ordinatus. | When Aiwa-reik, as we have already said, beheld these great and various changes, he seized the district of Auvergne, where the Roman general Ecdicius was at that time in command. He was a senator of most renowned family and the son of Avitus, a recent emperor {of the West, 455-456} who had usurped the reign for a few days - for Avitus held the rule for a few days before Olybrius, and then withdrew of his own accord to Placentia, where he was ordained bishop. |
| Hujus ergo filius Ecdicius, diu certans cum Wisigothis nec valens antistare, relicta patria maximeque urbe Arvernate hosti, ad tutiora se loca collegit. | His son Ecdicius fought for a long time with the Visigoths, but did not have the power to prevail. So he left the country and (what was more important) the city of Auvergne to the enemy and betook himself to safer regions. |
| 241 | |
| Quod audiens Nepos Imperator praecepit Ecdicium relictis Galliis ad se venire, loco ejus Oreste magistro Militum ordinato. | When the Emperor Nepos heard of this, he ordered Ecdicius to leave Gaul and come to him, appointing Orestes in his stead as Master of the Soldiery. |
| Qui Orestes, suscepto exercitu et contra hostes egrediens, a Roma Ravennam pervenit, ibique remoratus Augustulum filium suum imperatorem effecit. | This Orestes thereupon received the army, set out from Rome against the enemy and came to Ravenna {in 475}. Here he tarried while he made his son Romulus Augustulus emperor {of the West; 475-476; last western emperor}. |
| Quo comperto, Nepos fugit Dalmatias ibique defecit, privatus a regno, ubi jam Glycerius dudum Imperator episcopatum Salonitanum habebat. | When Nepos learned of this, he fled to Dalmatia and died there, deprived of his throne, in the very place where Glycerius, the former emperor, held at that time the bishopric of Salona. |
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XLVI 242 |
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| Augustulo vero a patre Oreste in Ravenna Imperatore ordinato, non multo post Odoacer, Torcilingorum rex, habens secum Sciros, Herulos diversarumque gentium auxiliarios, Italiam occupavit et, Oreste interfecto, Augustulum filium ejus de regno pulsum in Lucullano Campaniae Castello exilii poena damnavit. | Now when Augustulus had been appointed Emperor by his father Orestes in Ravenna {476}, it was not long before Auða-wakr {"Blest-awake," "Fortunate (in) alertness," "Auspiciously conscious"}, king of the Þorcilings {= Þwaírhei-l-ingos? (= ∼ingos "Progeny") "the Sons of Wrath, Race of Ire"?}, invaded Italy as leader of the Skeiros {"Pure(-blooded) ones"}, the Aírulos {"Earls," "Men"} and allies of various races. He put Orestes to death, drove his son Augustulus from the throne and condemned him to the punishment of exile in the Castle of Lucullus in Campania. |
| 243 | |
| Sic quoque Hesperium Romanae gentis imperium, quod, septingentesimo nono urbis conditae anno, primus Augustorum Octavianus Augustus tenere coepit, cum hoc Augustulo periit, anno decessorum prodecessorumve regni quingentesimo vicesimo secundo, Gothorum dehinc regibus Romam Italiamque tenentibus. | Thus the Western Empire of the Roman race, which Octavianus Augustus {reigned 27 B.C.-A.D. 14}, the first of the Augusti, began to govern in the seven hundred and ninth year from the founding of the city {i.e., in 45 B.C. the year before the assassination of Julius Caesar}, perished with this Augustulus {476} in the five hundred and twenty-second year from the beginning of the rule of his predecessors and those before them {i.e., from 45 B.C.}, and from this time onward kings of the Goths held Rome and Italy. |
| Interea Odoacer, rex gentium, omnem Italiam subjugatam (ut terrorem suum Romanis injiceret, mox initio regni sui Bracilam comitem apud Ravennam occidit) - regnoque suo confortato - paene per tredecim annos usque ad Theodorici praesentiam, de quo in subsequentibus dicturi sumus, obtinuit. | Meanwhile Auða-wakr, king of nations, subdued all Italy and then at the very outset of his reign slew Count Bracila at Ravenna {477} that he might inspire a fear of himself among the Romans. He consolidated his power and held it for almost thirteen years, even until the appearance of Þiuða-reik, of whom we shall speak hereafter. |
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XLVII 244 |
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| Interim tamen ad eum ordinem, unde digressi sumus, redeamus, et quomodo Euricus, rex Wisigotharum, Romani regni vacillationem cernens, Arelatum et Massiliam propriae subdidit dicioni. | But first let us return to that order from which we have digressed and tell how Aiwa-reik, king of the Visigoths, beheld the tottering of the Roman Empire and reduced Arles and Marseille to his own sway. |
| Gaisaricus etenim, Wandalorum rex, suis eum muneribus ad ista committenda illicuit, quatenus ipse Leonis vel Zenonis insidias, quas contra eum direxerant, praecaveret, egitque, ut Orientale imperium Ostrogothae, Hesperium Wisigothae vastarent, ut in utraque re publica hostibus decertantibus ipse in Africa quietus regnaret. | Gaisa-reik {"Spear Ruler, Javelin Ruler"}, king of the Vandals, enticed him by gifts to do these things, to the end that he himself might forestall the plots which {the emperors of the East} Leo {I, 457-474} and Zeno {474-491} had contrived against him. Therefore he stirred the Ostrogoths to lay waste the Eastern Empire and the Visigoths the Western, so that while his foes were battling in both empires, he might himself reign peacefully in Africa. |
| Quod Eurichus, grato suscipiens animo, totas Hispanias Galliasque sibi jam jure proprio tenens, simul quoque et Burgundiones subegit, in Arelatoque degens decimo nono regni sui anno vita privatus est. | Aiwa-reik perceived this with gladness and, as he already held all of Spain and Gaul by his own right, proceeded to subdue the Burgundians also. In the nineteenth year of his reign he was deprived of his life at Arles, where he then dwelt {484}. |
| 245 | |
| Huic successit proprius filius Alaricus, qui nonus in numero ab illo Alarico Magno regnum adeptus est Wisigotharum. | He was succeeded by his own son Ala-reik, the ninth in succession from the famous Ala-reik the Great to receive the kingdom of the Visigoths. |
| Nam pari tenore ut de Augustis superius diximus, et in Alaricis evenisse cognoscitur: et in eis saepe regna deficiunt, a quorum nominibus incoharunt. | For just as we said above about the Augusti, you can see that it happened likewise under the Ala-reiks: often a kingdom comes to its end under a ruler having the same name as its founder. |
| Quo nos interim praetermisso, sic, ut promisimus, omnem Gothorum texamus originem. | Meanwhile let us leave this subject, and weave together the whole story of the origin of the Goths, as we promised. |
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XLVIII (The Divided Goths: Ostrogoths) 246 |
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| Et quia, dum utraeque gentes, tam Ostrogothae quam etiam Wisigothae, in uno essent, ut valui, majorum sequens dicta, revolvi, divisosque Wisigothas ab Ostrogothis ad liquidum sum prosecutus, necesse nobis est iterum ad antiquas eorum Scythicas sedes redire et Ostrogotharum genealogiam actusque pari tenore exponere. | And since, following the stories of our forefathers, I have retold to the best of my ability when both peoples, both Ostrogoths and Visigoths, were one, and then clearly treated of the Visigoths apart from the Ostrogoths, I must now return to those ancient Scythian abodes and set forth in like manner the ancestry and deeds of the Ostrogoths. |
| Quos constat morte Ermanarici regis sui, decessione a Wisigothis divisos, Hunnorum subditos dicioni, in eadem patria remorasse, Winithahario tamen Amalo principatus sui insignia retinente. | It is known that at the death of their king, Aírmana-reik {"Mighty ruler"}, they were made a separate people by the departure of the Visigoths, and remained in their country under the control of the Huns; yet Winiþa-harjis {"Fighter of Wends" (a Slavic people)} of the Amals retained the insignia of his rule. |
| 247 | |
| Qui, avi Wultwulfi virtutem imitatus, quamvis Ermanarico felicitate inferior, tamen aegre ferens Hunnorum imperio subjacere, paululum se subtrahens ab illis suamque dum nititur ostendere virtutem, in Antorum fines movit procinctum, eosque dum aggreditur prima congressione superatus; deinde fortiter egit regemque eorum, Boz nomine, cum filiis ejus et LXX {septuaginta} primatibus in exemplum terroris affixit, ut dediticiis metum cadavera pendentium geminarent. | He rivaled the valor of his grandfather Wulþ-wulf {"Magnificent-wolf"}, although he had not the good fortune of Aírmana-reik. But disliking to remain under the rule of the Huns, he withdrew a little from them and strove to show his courage by moving his forces against the country of the Antes. When he attacked them, he was beaten in the first encounter. Thereafter he did valiantly and, as a terrible example, crucified their king, named Boz, together with his sons and seventy nobles, and left their bodies hanging there to double the fear of those who had surrendered. |
| 248 | |
| Sed dum tali libertate vix anni spatio imperasset, non est passus Balamber, rex Hunnorum, sed ascito ad se Gaisamundo, Hunimundi Magni filio, qui juramenti sui et fidei memor cum ampla parte Gothorum Hunnorum imperio subjacebat, renovatoque cum eo foedere, super Winithaharium duxit exercitum; | When he had ruled with such license for barely a year, Balamber, king of the Huns, would no longer endure it, but sent for Gaisa-mund {"Spear-protection," "Javelin-defense"}, son of Huni-mund {"Powerful-protection," "Strong guard-arm"} the Great. Now Gaisa-mund, together with a great part of the Goths, remained under the rule of the Huns, being mindful of his oath of fidelity. Balamber renewed his alliance with him and led his army up against Winiþa-harjis. |
| diuque certati, primo et secundo certamine Winithaharius vincit. Nec valet aliquis commemorare, quantam stragem de Hunnorum Winithaharius fecit exercitu. | After a long contest, Winiþa-harjis prevailed in the first and in the second conflict, nor can any say how great a slaughter he made of the army of the Huns. |
| 249 | |
| Tertio vero proelio surreptionis auxilio ad fluvium nomine Erac, dum utrique ad se venissent, Balamber, sagitta missa caput Winithaharii saucians, eum interemit neptemque ejus Waldamarcam sibi in conjugio copulans jam omnem in pace Gothorum populum subactum possedit, ita tamen, ut genti Gothorum semper proprius regulus, quamvis Hunnorum consilio, imperaret. | But in the third battle, while both were advancing on one another, Balamber, through an ambush at the river Erac {also called Phasis: the modern Rioni south of the Caucasus in western Georgia}, shot an arrow wounding Winiþa-harjis in the head and killed him. Then Balamber took to himself in marriage Walda-marca {"Power-Wielder of the March (i.e., borderland)," "Queen of the Frontier"}, the grand-daughter of Winiþa-harjis, and finally ruled all the people of the Goths as his peaceful subjects, but in such a way that a ruler of their own number, even though by choice of the Huns, always held the power over the Gothic race. |
| 250 | |
| Et mox defuncto Winithahario rexit eos Hunimundus, filius quondam regis potentissimi Ermanarici, acer in bello totoque corpore pulchritudine pollens, qui posthaec contra Swavorum gentem feliciter dimicavit. | And later, after the death of Winiþa-harjis, Huni-mund ruled them, the son of Aírmana-reik, a mighty king of yore; a man fierce in war and of famous personal beauty, who afterwards fought successfully against the race of the Swavi. |
| Eoque defuncto successit Thorismud filius ejus, flore juventutis ornatus, qui secundo principatus sui anno contra Gepidas movit exercitum, magnaque de illis potitus victoria, casu equi dicitur interemptus. | And when he died, his son Þaúris-moð succeeded him, in the very bloom of youth. In the second year of his rule he moved an army against the Gibiðos and won a great victory over them, but is said to have been killed by falling from his horse. |
| 251 | |
| Quo defuncto sic eum luxerunt Ostrogothae, ut quadraginta per annos in ejus locum rex alius non succederet, quatenus et illius memoriam semper haberent in ore et tempus accederet, quo Walamer habitum repararet virilem, qui erat ex consobrino ejus genitus Wandalahario; quia filius ejus, ut superius diximus, Beremud, jam contempta Ostrogotharum gente propter Hunnorum dominium, ad partes Hesperias Wisigotharum fuisset gentem secutus, de quo et ortus est Widiricus. | After Þaúris-moð's death, the Ostrogoths so mourned him that for forty years no other king succeeded him, a period during which both everyone talked about him all the time, and the time aproached when Wala-mer {"Beloved famous one"} (who was born of Þaúris-moð's maternal cousin Wandala-harjis {"Fighter of Vandals") would restore the male role; for Þaúris-moð's own son, Baíri-moð {"Bear mood"}, having, as we said above, spurned the Ostrogothic people because of their submission to the Huns, had followed the Visigothic people to the Western lands; it was of the latter that Wiði-reik {"Forest ruler"} was descended. |
| Widirico quoque filius natus est Eutharicus, qui junctus Amalaswinthae, filiae Theoderici, item Amalorum stirpem jam divisam conjunxit et genuit Athalaricum et Matheswintham. | Wiði-reik also had a son Iuþa-reik {"Ruler of the Eudusians" (a tribe inhabiting Jut-land)}, who married Amala-swinþo {"Amal strength"}, the daughter of Þiuða-reik, thus uniting again the stock of the Amals which had divided long ago. Iuþa-reik begat Aþala-reik {"Noble ruler"} and Maþa-swinþo {"Good strength"}. |
| Sed quia Athalaricus in annis puerilibus defunctus est, Matheswintha, Constantinopolim allata de secundo viro, id est Germano, fratruele Justiniani Imperatoris, genuit postumum filium, quem nomin | |